The Only Way Back for Labour

Starmer, Energy Chaos and Financial Crisis Spell Disaster for Labour, But One 'Event' Could Save Their Rotten Bacon

The Labour Party is general election toast. A successful Rayner/Burnham joint leadership challenge to Starmer would give them a bounce, but not enough to risk an early dash to the polls. So they will hang on to 2029, by which time the pain of the coming Netanyahu Energy Shock and multiple bursting financial bubbles will have plunged them back into electoral wipe-out territory.

There are, of course, various fantasy scenarios under which Labour could recover, but if Nigel Farage was going to be exposed for an unthinkable combination of perversion, corruption and cruelty to puppies and kittens, it would already have happened. And the others are nearly as unlikely and therefore not worth considering.

More thought needs to go to the possibility that a surge in support for Restore could eat into Reform’s lead over Labour far enough to tempt Starmer’s successor to hold a snap election. The calculation would be that – while Lowe’s party won’t win seats, it would take enough votes off Farage & Co to allow tactical voting on the left to return a Labour/Green coalition government. Not ideal for Labour, but far better than handing Nige the keys to Number 10.

The more one thinks about this, however, the less likely it is. Even if Restore does continue to creep up in the polls, there is no realistic road by which the party could be seen as more likely than Reform to beat Labour.

It wouldn’t matter if millions of electors decide they prefer Lowe and his policies (“deport millions”) to Farage and his (“deport 400,000 illegals”). When it comes to a general election, the vast majority of voters are quite smart enough to know that their preference for a given party’s policies is quite irrelevant if the party isn’t going to win.

Faced with the clear choice of voting for Farage and perhaps getting rid of 400,000 gate-crashers and rapists, or voting for Lowe and letting in a Labour/Green coalition of chaos and open borders, about 90% of those who actually prefer Restore in theory will hold their noses and vote Reform in practice.

There is, however, one set of circumstances, perfectly foreseeable and all too possible, by which the already topsy-turvy situation of British politics could be shaken up even more. Enough to boost Lowe’s appeal so much that those who prefer his tough talking do stick with him, split the populist vote very seriously, and allow the left to storm through the gap with a huge majority.

It starts with an Islamist terrorist attack on British soil. Whether it is genuine or a false flag by a hostile foreign power makes no odds. As long as it maims and kills a significant number of innocent adults, or even a small number of children, the next such outrage is likely to provoke a very different reaction to the tea lights, teddy bears, flowers and “Don’t Look Back in Anger” bullshit which we’ve seen up until now.

For that matter, even a particularly horrific sexual assault against a girl or young woman could spark the same sort of trouble, particularly if the police and media get caught out with one of their heavy-handed cover-ups.

Just because most of the previous incidents on those lines haven’t snapped the coiled spring doesn’t mean that the next one won’t. It may well not but, sooner or later, one of them will. Reform’s huge surge in seats on Thursday, and the online popularity of Rupert Lowe’s belated embrace of “millions must go” are only two indications of the extent of indigenous British disgust with the political system.

Even more significant is the fact that a staggering ten million legal residents of the UK, of whom roughly eight million are white working class, are so alienated from the whole democratic process that they don’t even register to vote. Unlike all the other politicians, I’ve taken time to knock on some of their doors and ask them why and what they think of the state and future of the country.

If you don’t believe me, get a copy of a page of the Electoral Register covering any largely ‘unenriched’ working-class area and go and knock at the one-in-five homes in which no one is registered to vote. Time and time again, the reason, you will find, is not stupidity, it’s not apathy, it’s anger.

Anger against all politicians. Anger against what’s been done to Britain. Anger at the way their communities have been left behind. Anger against the rotten fruits of globalisation. Anger – and deep, unreasoning, implacable hatred of non-white immigration in general and Muslims in particular.

As a matter of fact, if Rupert Lowe put the time and money into turning his currently inactive members into a nationwide team to knock their doors and talk to those people, most of them could be enthused to register and to vote in future. I fear he won’t, because mobilising such a real challenge to the political class is not what he’s supposed to do, but that’s by-the-by.

What is significant at present about the eight million people who feel that way is that they aren’t on the electoral roll at present, so the pollsters and mainstream politicians never contact them to ask what they think. This leads to a potentially catastrophic lack of awareness among the political class as to just how much resentment and hatred is simmering away out there – and hence how quickly and how far things could turn very ugly indeed.

This is why just one more Islamist terror attack, one more African on a knife rampage, or one more hotel migrants’ gang-rape of a teenager, could see disturbances which dwarf those seen after Southport. I’m sure you have no difficulty imagining that, and understanding how easily it could happen.

The Spark

Now imagine just a little bit more. During those disturbances, a crowd of angry white men gathers on the fault-line between their estate and the neighbouring Muslim area. Perhaps they only intend to demonstrate, perhaps they intend to put through the windows of a nearby HMO. But word goes out on the Muslim grapevine that they are going to attack the mosque, and within ten minutes there are 200 young Muslim men on the street too, heavily tooled up.

They clash. Someone dies. The police turn up to try to restore order, but find themselves under attack by both sides and ‘withdraw’ (aka run away). The Muslims, better organised, younger, fitter and better armed, inflict heavy casualties on the whites and exploit their advantage by firebombing all three pubs and non-Muslim shops and businesses.

As news spreads on social media, immigrant-owned takeaways isolated in predominantly white areas in a forty-mile radius are smashed up and set ablaze. These scenes are also shared on social media. The trouble spreads, with serious disturbances in so many places that there simply are no police to spare to even try to stand between the angry mobs.

By the time the Home Secretary imposes an Internet clampdown, it is too late. Far from calming things down, the news blackout only leads to even more lurid word-of-mouth rumours. Foreign news teams flock to the best-known trouble spots to tell the world that “Britain is up in flames”.

A long weekend of communal violence does give way to shocked exhaustion after a few days. But things explode again a fortnight later after rival counter-jihad and anti-racist demonstrations clash, leaving chaos in their wake. Efforts by the police and government to downplay the full extent of the trouble are outweighed by media reports from community and sports centres packed with white-flight ‘refugees’ in Essex, Staffordshire, Leicestershire and Yorkshire.

Equally emotive footage shows Asian families forced to flee from homes and businesses in ‘Middle England’ and seek safety in mosques and temples in Birmingham and London.

Within days of the outbreak of the ‘English Troubles’ (so-called despite significant clashes in Glasgow, Aberdeen and Swansea), the crisis starts to have a major impact on the opinion polls. Restore benefits the most, with Rupert Lowe’s widely publicised ‘remigration’ demand seeing the party’s support solidify at 6% after the first weekend, and doubles to 12% after the second wave of violence. This is at the expense of Reform, which dips to 19%.

The Greens launch hysterical attacks on “white racism and toxic masculinity”, while the Labour leader states that the far-right and Islamists are equally to blame. The contrast leads to a 4% switch in support from the Greens to Labour, putting the governing party on 22%, in first place and above Reform for the first time in nearly two years.

As the toll of arrests and court cases mounts, a growing number of Restore and Reform members and followers are among those jailed for involvement in the rioting and for angry social media posts. Native Brits are arrested at a far higher rate than members of ethnic minorities, and the courts run special sessions to send more people to prison in a shorter space of time than ever before in British history.

Newspapers run reports that house sales in areas regarded as ‘multi-racial’ have ground to a halt, and that property prices look set to crash as the market seizes up. Dire warnings abound that the violence ‘next time’ is expected to overwhelm both the police and army to the extent that full-scale ethnic cleansing will sweep the coountry.

This, the Establishment’s newly minted experts in communal conflict predict, would leave hundreds of thousands homeless, leading - among other things - to a international crisis for the Pound and a stock markets and property crash. Everyone is going to lose theirt shirts if the ‘men of violence’ are not stopped.

The entire political and media elite launch a sustained and brutal attack on “the politicians fuelling the flames that could burn Britain to the ground”. Such is the extent of indigenous anger that Lowe’s support goes up still further, to 14%, while Reform also lose ground on their left flank as Kemi Badenoch is able to hide behind her African origin to get away with an increasingly tough line against immigration without being accused of ‘racism’. That puts Reform on 15% and the Tories five points above them.

A wave of exposures of the ‘extremist’ past, riot arrests and crude social media posts of hundreds of Restore members does now peg Lowe’s support back to 11%. Reform recover somewhat to 18%, but are still in third place.

The Only Way Back for Labour

The Prime Minister calls a snap general election, characterising the contest as a simple choice: “Tolerance or Hatred?” “Labour and Peace, or Racism and Civil War?”

Analysts agree that the votes of both left and right are split as never before. The Greens are still capable of winning big in multi-racial and university cities, but working-class jitters about their anti-white racism and Net Zero obsession weakens their appeal in the Red Wall. All agree that tactical voting is going to work strongly in favour of the left taken as a whole.

But with the Tories in second place, Farage is unable to make a convincing case that the choice is between him and a Labour/Green/SNP/Islamist ‘Coalition of Chaos’. The partial Tory recovery eats into Reform’s chances in well-to-do seats. Restore’s ‘hardline’ tag helps to keep a hardcore vote loyal in white areas near riot zones. This hits Reform in working-class areas, without any possibility that Lowe’s party can take a single seat.

The end result? Labour back in power as easily the largest party in the Commons. The Greens and the expanded Muslim block providing support in crucial votes, in exchange for the banning of anti-immigration parties, open-door immigration and a series of measures to advance their agendas, which by both accident and design help push at least half a million Brits a year to emigrate.

Five more years of that and the left will have up to seven million extra voters and the right will have lost two million to emigration, and as many again to the rapidly increasing death rate among the Boomers. The falsity of the idea that there is any electoral road back will, belatedly, become undeniable.

The ‘far right’ will have a choice between exile, suicidal violence or settling down to build indigenous survival institutions. This work will be all the more productive for being done in communities heavily radicalised and educated by the experiences of the Troubles and of serious oppression and marginalisation – none which will go away until they are sufficiently organised to make it go away.

If you don’t want to emigrate, and don’t have a hankering for death or a whole life sentence, then your remaining choice is either surrender or getting to work to build Strongpoint Communities, to work to preserve our heritage and identity, and to advance the long struggle for indigenous rights. You know What Is To Be Done, I’ve already given you the outline. The sooner the work really starts, the sooner we will see the details and learn the things which work the best.